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Senator Malaka Parker Dismantles PM's "Lenient Sentence Orthodoxy" Claim & Deconstructs 250 Repeat-Offender Assertion

Editorial Staff
Editorial StaffReal News Editorial Team
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malaka parker talking in parliament in dark green jacket holding uppaper in one hand

If the Firearms (Amendment) Bill 2026 rests on the premise that Antigua and Barbuda's courts are soft on gun criminals, Senator Malaka Parker came to Monday afternoon's Senate debate determined to test that premise against the record. And, by her account, the record fails.

"Because of my research background, Madame President, as a development professional — one of the hats that I wear — I need data," the opposition senator told the chamber. "Policy needs to be driven by evidence, not people's feelings. Not because you suddenly feel the crushing weight of what it actually means to run a developing state... and so you feel the need to respond with bluster. We need data."

250 Repeat Offender Claim Deconstructed

Her first target was the figure the Prime Minister has placed at the centre of the public case for mandatory minimums. "The Prime Minister claimed that there are circulating in our system approximately 250 repeat offenders or so. And it was in the context of chiding the judiciary that this statement was made. Because the implication is that the judiciary keeps giving them low sentences, and they come back into society and commit more crimes with firearms," she recounted.

Taken at face value, she argued, the number indicts the government more than the bench: "If that is the case, Madame President — 250 criminals just in a revolving door, in and out of our prison, and they are repeat offenders where firearms are concerned — then we have a greater crisis than we believe."

But the figure, she said, has never been broken down. "What we did not have is a deconstructing of that 250. We do not know from that figure really and truly what the previous convictions were about — whether they were in fact firearm-related," she said, crediting Senator Ashworth Azille for pressing the same questions earlier in the debate. Without that analysis, she warned, Parliament cannot know whether it is seeing hardened gun offenders cycling through the courts or an escalation pattern requiring a different response entirely. "When we have that data, it informs the response. Not every response has to be an emotional one. The reason why this type of information matters is so that we can address the correct thing. Full stop."

5 Successful Appeals of Sentences in March Alone

The senator then turned to the central allegation — that firearm sentences are too low — and conceded part of it. "I accept that there have been, in the system, people that commit crimes with firearms whose sentences I also believe are disproportionate to the crime," she said. "Sometimes you hear the sentence, you want to know am I on Mars? That don't make any sense."

But the fuller picture, she argued, cuts the other way: "The research also shows, Madame President, that there have also been many cases — as late as March 2026 — of appeals, at least five of them in the month of March alone, where the appeals court reduced the sentence from the lower court. At least five of them in March alone, just gone."

"There are people who have gotten sentences by the same judiciary that we're flinging stones at — or some people are flinging stones at — [who] thought their sentences were disproportionate, and they appealed them," she said, noting that a man known as "Mongoose" had been publicly celebrated "on the cover two months ago... with his attorney, for winning his appeal from his gun conviction."

Her conclusion struck at the language the Prime Minister has used to justify the bill: "We cannot on one hand be saying — to use the Prime Minister's language — [that there is a] 'lenient sentence orthodoxy.' The evidence doesn't show that. That's what I'm saying. The evidence does not show that. If you go and you check the evidence, the data, you see how many persons have won appeals [of harsh sentences]."

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The Remedy the Law Already Provides


For the sentences that genuinely are too low, Senator Parker argued, the justice system already supplies the answer, and it is not a parliamentary override. "The prosecution has the right to appeal those sentences, go to the appeals court, and let the appeals court be the second arbitrator to review what the lower court has done, and similarly decide whether or not that sentence was just. That is how a justice system works," she said.

And if the Prime Minister truly believes the bench is compromised: "If, as the Prime Minister claims, he knows that there are judges who are taking bribes and judges who are routinely giving low sentences — he needs to talk to his DPP, and we need to appeal those cases, because it's in the public interest. It is in my interest." The challenge carries extra sting given PM Browne's concession at Prime Minister's Questions last month that he has "no evidence to send to anyone" in support of his "crooks and criminals" characterization of the judiciary.

"The rule of law is there to protect all of us," she reminded the chamber, repeating a commitment she said she made at the opening of the Senate. "Process and transparency work in all of our favour, collectively, as a nation."

Guidelines, Probation and the One-Man Court

Senator Parker also defended the sentencing architecture the bill overrides, noting the guidelines were "recently updated just in 2025" and "can move in step with society." "There are sentencing guidelines put in place for a reason. We're not unique, are we? What are we? People from Mars or Venus?" she asked, pointing to the United Kingdom's comparable regime.

It is the trial judge, she argued, who "is able to sit there and hear the entire case, all the evidence, which we will never know and never see" — informed by probation officers whose community reports the mandatory minimum renders pointless. "If all we need is to come and say give everybody that comes 15 years... so that we can feel good, then it's best the Prime Minister preside over the cases," she said. "We don't need the probation officer who goes into the community and does their probation work and writes a report to the court. Some of these people might be victims themselves."

She tied the point to a broader complaint about process — "Where is the consultation and the involvement of the other aspects and areas of society? It can't be a one-man show" — and to a duty she claimed for herself: "I believe I have a responsibility to safeguard... the people of this country from politicians and parliamentarians who think they are an expert on everything."

The stakes of the data question, as she framed it, could not be higher for the bill itself: "I'm saying the reason we are here — that question, in terms of the data: is it true? And if that is the basis that we're here, then... we've been fooled."

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Editorial Staff
Editorial Staff

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